Mugabe: The recessional hymn begins
WHEN Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) told BBC's Sunday AM programme a fortnight ago that the political crisis in Zimbabwe had approached its "tipping point", the world was, once more, put on the alert. For all the wrong reasons there are on planet earth, Mr. Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe has forced its way to the front burner of international political discourse, thereby shrinking further, the ailing image of the African continent.
Mr. Mugabe had, in response to mounting opposition to his desire to run for re-election as president next year, deployed, in a most crude fashion, the coercive apparatuses of the state against his compatriots, who legitimately seek change. By the time the dust of the crackdown had settled, Mr. Tsvangirai and Mr. Nelson Chamisa, Member of Parliament, were left thoroughly beaten, with the former's skull fractured. Government has, as it's wont to do, through Mr. Sikanyiso Ndlovu, Minister for Information, since denied state involvement in the incident on BBC Focus on Africa (they have subsequently eaten their own words when it dawned on them that it was just impossible to continue playing the Ostrich).
It was for these - and more, that Mr. Tendai Biti, MDC's Chief Scribe, as Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders converged in Tanzania (with Zimbabwean crisis top on their agenda), appealed thus: "...we hope they (SADC leaders) will be strong against Mugabe and tell him he has had 27 years of uninterrupted, peaceful rule in Zimbabwe, and should go." Days later, Mr. Mugabe's Party, Zanu-PF, armed him with their presidential flag.
Zimbabwe nay, Africa, does not need a crystal ball to know that tougher and uncertain times await Zimbabweans as they march to their election year 2008. Zimbabwe should face it: the countdown to the zero hour will be painful. It might be bloody also. Liberation, as a matter of rule, comes with a price. The good news, however, is that government's resort to brute force in its desperate bid to quell voices of dissent reveals, quite instructively, the diminishing strength of its semantics, sophistry and pseudo-nationalism preachments, which it had hitherto relied upon to stifle alternative political view points. Owing to this fact, it won't be surprising, therefore, to see a highly inflammable Mugabe in the days ahead, who would not mind razing down the entire Zimbabwean edifice in an attempt to contain the equally highly inflammable temerity of the change agents he restrictively perceives, in error, as mere political rivals.
In fairness to Mr. Mugabe though, what is left of his political ideology is not useless in its totality. For instance, given the historical circumstance of Zimbabwe and her evolutionary process, part of which he has actively been in the past 27 years, Mr. Mugabe's anti-west posture is, in part, justifiable; or, at least, understandable. It is, nonetheless, regrettable that his glaring hostility towards the west runs through the entire gamut of his political philosophy.
Partly justifiable because, it is an eternal truth that the West, from the era of slave trade, through colonialism, apartheid, cold war, to globalisation, had never demonstrated genuine commitment to the Blackman cause. Some Africans, including Mr. Mugabe, wish they did otherwise. But it is a mere wish! Whilst the veiled demand for it is illegitimate, baseless and illogical. Much as we continue to bear the pains of slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism with all their devastating manifestations, Africa must realise that what she inadvertently wish for is a subsidy from the West for the former's lack of purpose and self-hate.
Without meaning to hold the brief of the West (and I have argued same elsewhere), what the West have always done is to mind their business without necessarily minding how injurious their minding their business is to the business (if any) of the Blackman. It is, therefore, thought that the failure of the Blackman to erect solid walls around his own business to ward-off usually probable injury arising from the Whiteman's activities should rightly be seen as gross negligence on the part of the Africans.
For, it is escapist for the Blackman to turn around and demonise the Whiteman, who did not flout any enforceable rule but, merely strayed morally. But the Zimbabwean experiment vis-a-vis the perception and attitude of Mr. Mugabe is a lot more complex. Cast in the mould of a purposeful leader, Mr. Mugabe, upon assumption of office in 1980, came across as an articulate, world class intellectual, who could, by sheer display of responsive leadership, differentiate between colonial Rhodesia and a free Zimbabwe. But, like some of his brother African leaders, it did not take quite long for him to set self apart from community. From self-conceit, he slid into power-mania, and further into tyranny. At the moment, he dons the garb of a pseudo-intellectual, and stands out as a good portrait of Africa's leadership failure.
Unfortunately, this bull in Zimbabwe China Shop is still seen as a hero in certain quarters. Unknown to his fan club, the West needs us. They do not wish we perish; rather, they would gladly pay for our preservation so that the exploitation may not cease. Whilst it is our duty to insist on the cessation of the exploitation, we owe it a duty to ourselves and more to posterity to insist on co-existing with the rest of the world without being exploited. Note, however, that refusing to be exploited entails having a good grasp of the dynamics, trends as well as inter-relationship between world politics and economy, with a view to walking away with the most favourable bargain possible. Today's world differ markedly from 1980s; this Mr. Mugabe has repeatedly failed to acknowledge, and it is doubtful he will ever do.
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Since breathing facts say the combined result of Mr. Mugabe's famed bravado, economic aluta and unparalleled sense of nationalism is a crumbling economy, the people of Zimbabwe must, while conceding to his legitimate right to fly his party's presidential flag at next year's general elections, take Mr. Mugabe on at the poll. The rest of Africa feel the pains of your ruler's horse-whip; we share in the pestilence that his 27 years in power have embarrassingly become; and we sure reckon that you deserve better.
The task before the Zimbabwean nation is to strengthen opposition by waging a full-scale war against misery, despair, self-glorification and blind despotism. The showdown must commence now.
By Chuks Akamadu
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